Why in the News?
- India’s new Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023 altered the selection committee for the Election Commission of India (ECI), replacing the CJI with a Cabinet Minister nominated by the PM.
- Though several writ petitions challenged the Act, the Supreme Court (March 2024, Jaya Thakur & Ors. v. Union of India) refused to stay the law pending final hearing, allowing appointments under the new regime during the 2024 Lok Sabha polls.
- This has reignited debate on electoral integrity, separation of powers, and the independence of “fourth branch” institutions, especially in light of the Constitution Bench ruling in Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India (2023), which had envisaged a selection panel including the CJI.
Key Highlights
- Constitutional and judicial backdrop
- Article 324 empowers the ECI but is silent on the appointment mechanism’s composition.
- In Anoop Baranwal (2023), the Constitution Bench sought to remove exclusive executive control by prescribing an interim committee of the PM, LoP, and CJI until Parliament legislated, stressing that a pliable ECI imperils democracy.
- The 2023 Act and the failed stay
- The 2023 law excluded the CJI and included a Cabinet Minister (nominated by the PM), alongside the PM and LoP.
- Multiple petitions challenged the statute; however, on March 22, 2024, the SC declined interim relief, citing the presumption of validity of legislation, permitting the current ECI to function under the new framework.
- Concerns on judicial posture and democratic risk
- Critics argue the Court’s refusal to stay the Act neutralised the spirit of Anoop Baranwal during a crucial electoral cycle.
- The article frames this as a conservative and risky stance, given fears that majoritarianism can exploit institutional control in the pre-election phase.
- Comparative perspective: “abusive judicial review”
- Scholarship (e.g., Landau & Dixon) documents courts that legitimise regime entrenchment by upholding moves that tilt the electoral playing field.
- The article contrasts such trends with rare instances of judicial vigilance, presenting Anoop Baranwal as a positive example that was subsequently blunted by the 2023 statute and the refusal of interim relief.
- Fourth branch institutions and proposed reset
- Many modern constitutions nurture independent “fourth branch” bodies (e.g., South Africa’s Chapter 9 institutions).
- The article urges restoring the Anoop Baranwal position, nullifying the 2023 Act, re-including the CJI on the selection panel, reconstituting the ECI, and empowering it—if needed—as a Truth Commission to examine alleged electoral malpractices.
Implications
- Electoral legitimacy and public trust
- Perceived executive dominance over ECI appointments can erode voter confidence.
- A credibly independent ECI underpins acceptance of results and political stability.
- Separation of powers and constitutional balance
- The episode spotlights tension between Parliament’s override and judicial guardianship of basic democratic infrastructure.
- Interim relief in election-sensitive cases has outsized effects on rule-of-law signaling.
- Opposition strategy and institutional avenues
- Reluctance to litigate further on electoral rolls reflects low expectations of immediate remedies.
- Political remedies (parliamentary pressure, public campaigns) may substitute for judicial ones in the short term.
- Administrative capacity and oversight
- Under a contested appointment regime, doubts arise about neutral enforcement of the MCC, expenditure monitoring, and voter roll integrity.
- Clear appointment norms and transparent decision-making are vital to operational credibility.
- Comparative norms and India’s global standing
- Alignment with global best practice on independent electoral bodies affects democracy indices, investor sentiment, and diplomatic narratives.
- A durable, non-partisan selection process can insulate elections from regime cycles.
Challenges and Way Forward
Challenges | Way Forward |
Statutory override of Anoop Baranwal via the 2023 Act | Legislative course-correction: amend/repeal key clauses to re-include CJI; entrench multi-partisan checks |
Judicial reluctance to grant interim relief in election-sensitive matters | Time-bound hearing schedules; narrow tailored interim safeguards preserving appointment neutrality |
Perception of executive influence over ECI | Publish clear eligibility criteria, transparent shortlists, reasons for selection, and cooling-off norms |
Limited institutional independence (budget, tenure, removal) | Statutory guarantees on financial autonomy, fixed tenure, and removal only by impeachment-like process for parity with constitutional bodies |
Allegations over electoral rolls and process integrity | Independent forensic audits of rolls; structured post-poll reviews; publishable SOPs and data dashboards |
Public trust deficit in oversight | Regular white papers by ECI on actions taken, third-party performance audits, and parliamentary committee scrutiny |
Comparative best practices not embedded | Benchmark elements from South Africa’s Chapter 9 and other peers; adopt appointment codes in law |
Risk of institutional whiplash with each change of government | Build cross-party consensus and sunset-proof safeguards; require supermajority for altering ECI architecture |
Conclusion
India’s electoral architecture sits at a constitutional inflection point. Anoop Baranwal articulated a path toward appointment neutrality, but the 2023 Act and the denial of interim relief shifted effective control back toward the executive during a pivotal election cycle. To restore democratic confidence, India needs a durable, cross-partisan selection framework—ideally re-including the CJI—paired with statutory autonomy, transparent procedures, and rigorous post-election auditing. Such reforms would align India with best-practice “fourth branch” norms, safeguarding the ballot from both real and perceived bias.
EnsureIAS Mains Question Q. The appointment process of the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners has sparked debates on institutional independence. Examine the implications of the recent Supreme Court rulings and proposed legislative changes on the autonomy of the Election Commission of India. (250 Words) |
EnsureIAS Prelims Question Q. Which of the following provisions relate to the independence of the Election Commission of India under the Constitution? 1. The Chief Election Commissioner can be removed only in the same manner as a Supreme Court judge. 2. The conditions of service of Election Commissioners cannot be varied to their disadvantage after appointment. 3. The Constitution explicitly prescribes the appointment procedure for Election Commissioners. Select the correct answer using the code given below: Answer: a) 1 and 2 only |